Last month, a working meeting of about 20 European leaders took place in Paris to discuss ways to confront Russia and possible ways to support Ukraine in its confrontation with the aggressor.

French President Emmanuel Macron did not rule out the possibility of sending NATO troops to support Ukraine, noting that there is no consensus on this issue yet. "These are very serious topics. Every word I say on this topic is deliberate, meditated and balanced," the president said. In his turn, French Foreign Minister Sejourne explained what operations foreign military could carry out in Ukraine. [1]

Czech President Petr Pavel said that he "joins" the French president in saying that "we cannot be satisfied with the support that is being provided today", "we need to look for new opportunities, in particular, to discuss a possible presence in Ukraine in various forms".

At the same time, the Czech president added that he was "in favour of looking for new options, including debates about a potential presence in Ukraine", but without crossing the "red line" of deploying "combat units".

However, several European countries, including Germany, Poland, Italy, and the United States, responded to his reaction by categorically rejecting the idea of sending in ground troops. NATO Secretary General Stoltenberg also confirmed that there are no plans to deploy NATO combat troops in Ukraine.

However, other statements by French President Macron, such as the creation of a missile coalition aimed at providing Ukraine with long-range weapons and the possibility of Western troops entering the country, caused a significant response.

Meanwhile, the French National Assembly, on Macron's initiative, held a debate on support for Ukraine. Prime Minister Gabriel Attal gave a stunning speech on the strategy to support Ukraine and the bilateral security agreement, after which representatives of political parties took part in the debate, followed by a symbolic vote.

The debate was marked by controversy between different political forces, from the government coalition to the far left and far right. For example, Marine Le Pen's National Rally party has already expressed concern about the possible vote, as it wants to support Ukraine but does not want to cross "red lines" such as NATO and EU membership. Representatives of right-wing parties have condemned the president for "trying to drag France into a world war". But there are shifts here too, as Le Pen, Putin's former best friend, has publicly condemned him for starting the war in Ukraine. Despite all the debate, the discussions initiated by Macron highlight the need to discuss and develop a common strategy to respond to threats.

Socialists have shown support for Macron in these debates. It is important to note that President Macron emphasised that there are no restrictions or "red lines" in France's support for Ukraine.

Also at the meeting, Macron said that "the Kremlin regime has stepped up its aggression" against France and its allies in terms of disinformation and in cyberspace, and called it a "new phase". He called on the allies to make a "European breakthrough" and to start a new phase of strategic and operational thinking.

Macron called on those who say that Western support for Ukraine cannot "exceed the limits" to turn to President Putin and ask him what he is willing to do, stressing that it was Vladimir Putin himself who started the war in Ukraine.

In the end, French lawmakers supported the security agreement with Ukraine after a tense debate. The 10-year agreement includes Paris' commitment to supply more weapons, train soldiers and send up to €3 billion in military aid to Ukraine until 2024. The vote for the agreement was a landslide: 372 votes in favour, 99 against, and 101 abstentions.

The National Cohesion party abstained from voting. On the other hand, the left-wing party "France Unconquered" voted against the agreement. This was clearly stated by Prime Minister Gabriel Attal, who emphasised the importance of taking responsibility before history and avoiding losing face in the face of the challenges facing the country.

In the new year, France is not only providing verbal support to Ukraine. On 18 January, the creation of the Artillery for Ukraine coalition was announced in Paris, bringing together more than twenty countries. On 1 February, EU leaders approved €50 billion in financial aid to Ukraine for the next four years, with sources at the Elysee Palace noting that Macron played a decisive role in this. On 12 February, Macron received Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk, followed by a meeting of the Weimar Triangle at the level of foreign ministers to discuss strengthening the fight against Russian cyber aggression and providing additional support to Ukraine.

It should also be remembered that on 16 February, the French president received Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky at the Elysee Palace. During this meeting, the parties signed a bilateral agreement on security cooperation for ten years. At a joint press conference, Macron expressed his admiration for the Ukrainian people and reaffirmed France's determination to continue supporting Ukraine in the long term. He stressed that this is the main meaning of the signed bilateral security agreement.

Experts and political commentators have made various assumptions about the reasons for this unusual change in the French rhetoric. Some see Macron as working on his political legacy, while others see it as a strategic move to overcome "strategic uncertainty".

However, one thing is clear: these statements are indicative of the profound transformation that the European political elite is currently undergoing. In particular, the elite of the European Union, especially France, which is the only EU country with nuclear weapons. Europeans are beginning to realise that they may be left alone in the face of geopolitical turbulence. Political processes in the United States leave no doubt that it is time for the European Union and other countries of the civilised world to think about ensuring their own security. It is highly likely that any outcome of the US elections will lead to isolationism. Returning to the topic of European security, European countries understand that they can no longer rely solely on US support.

Against the backdrop of major media publications about Russia's possible aggression against the Baltic States, Poland and even Germany, European governments have begun to allocate billions of euros for rearmament. And in this matter, Europe has two natural allies - Ukraine and Israel. They were the first to feel the blow from the already formed bloc of aggressive dictatorships that intend to impose their rules on the entire civilised world.

Israel can take an active part in rearming European countries, and it seems to be doing so already. For example, Germany is purchasing the most advanced air defence system, the Hetz, which is capable of shooting down ballistic missiles almost in space and has been successfully tested in combat during the recent Yemeni Houthis' attacks on Israel. The Netherlands is also purchasing this system. In addition, Israeli defence corporations are signing large contracts with European countries to supply armoured vehicles with systems for armament, patrolling, driving and situation monitoring. [2]

Ukraine, on the other hand, has invaluable experience in the largest war on the continent since World War II. Ukraine's armed forces are the most capable army in Europe, fighting a war of the highest intensity on a gigantic front. No one in Europe knows in practice how to fight a modern full-scale war. There is a suspicion that even the civilian European infrastructure is not ready for a potential attack by Russia and its allies. The availability of modern weapons, the quality of which has been proven on the battlefield in Ukraine, does not mean the ability to use them effectively. And the Armed Forces of Ukraine can do that.

New forms of cooperation are needed to withstand the pressure of the unification of dictatorships. Therefore, there is no other way but to spend much more on defence. We will have to accelerate our military-industrial complex again. Many projects that Europe admired so much before Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine will have to be abandoned. For Europe, this will mean a decline in the standard of living of its citizens, the curtailment of many social programmes, etc.

Today, the European Union must rely not only and not so much on old agreements with its allies, but also make very unpopular and painful decisions for its own security. By actively engaging Kyiv and Jerusalem in close cooperation, providing political, financial and military support.

Ukraine and Israel would also benefit from rethinking the current situation. While these countries have their own differences, they both face serious challenges due to the domestic political instability in the United States. At the moment, we see no signs of a successful resolution of this crisis. It seems that in the coming years, it is in the EU countries that we should look for our closest friends and allies. We share common threats and common enemies, and we have much to offer each other.

France and the Czech Republic understand the ever-growing threat and recognise the need to act in accordance with historical precedents and with courage. Such statements, along with plans to provide military assistance to Ukraine, demonstrate the countries' readiness to respond to risks and protect the international order.

To this end, Paris is already taking certain steps by inviting representatives of the EU and NATO to a regular video conference.  Obviously, at this time, the deteriorating situation in eastern Europe requires concerted action and active support from allies. The conference proposed by France will allow to discuss concrete possibilities of providing assistance to Ukraine, including the supply of ammunition and the organisation of a stockpile release system, as well as means of protection against cyber attacks and assistance in strengthening the border. It also confirms the growing outrage and awareness in Europe about Russian aggression and the threats it poses.

But as the reaction within NATO and within France itself shows, it is unfortunately too early to talk about Europe's "awakening". However, the fact that a state and a leader who once held a moderate position are now expressing such determination is a positive step that has the potential to turn from an isolated incident into a trend.

However, the fact that one of Europe's leading countries has taken such a position is certainly a ray of light in this difficult period for Ukraine. And we can expect France's future firmness on this issue. In fact, involvement in European armaments is inherent in Paris' policy. Ever since the end of World War II, France has been fascinated by the idea of a strong Europe with a strong army. In addition, Paris has never been fond of the great American influence on the European continent. This has led to numerous crises in US-French relations, including France's withdrawal from NATO in the 1960s and the creation of its own nuclear weapons. In addition, French presidents have previously seen partnership with Russia as a good option to curb American influence.

Speaking of Macron, he has returned to the project of creating a common EU army since the beginning of his term, and has identified France's return to leadership in the alliance as one of his foreign policy priorities. At the same time, it can be argued that for a long time he continued the tradition of perceiving Russia as a potential ally. But now the illusion of friendship with Russia has been finally broken. At the same time, France has an opportunity to satisfy its old interests. Although they pose a major challenge for Europe, Paris has the determination to do so, which has been developed over the years. France, especially now, after the turmoil in its important Africa, is more than ever ready to fight for leadership in Europe. For Ukraine, this is, of course, a very fortunate coincidence, because now more than ever, there is a need for a strong and strong-willed ally to lead others.